According to itypetravel.com, the developments of the civil war in Spain, in which the directions and interventions of Soviet Russia and of the left political currents of France are revealed, show more and more evident the obscure threat of communism that from Russia tends to spread all over the world. civil. The events in Spain had in fact been foreseen and therefore prepared in their course, precipitating towards the red revolution, in a congress of the Comintern, the central committee of the Communist International, which has its headquarters in Moscow. On the other hand, the communist movement, associated with the various democracies, which recognize him a right of citizenship for mediocre interests of electoral or governmental coalition and for the opposition to the fascist movements, he revealed himself to be more and more open to an open struggle against “authoritarian” regimes and against the orderly systems of international relations. Faced with these facts, which pose the problem of the conservation of European and world civilization itself, Italy and Germany, by perfecting the anti-communist agreement already formulated in the Berlin protocols, signed in Rome, together with Japan, on November 6, 1937, an anticommunist tripartite pact, with which the three states agree to keep each other informed about the activities of the Communist International, to agree on the necessary defense measures and to cooperate closely to put them into effect.
This important pact, which goes beyond the usual sphere of diplomatic tools to rise to higher visions and tasks of civil interest, also represents a new formal juxtaposition of the three greatest “authoritarian” regimes in the world and extends, in new forms, the presence of Italy up to the Pacific, expanding the foundations of its already deeply consolidated foreign policy, after the conquest of the Empire, on the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean with natural radiations towards the East. A few weeks later, Italy recognized the new empire of Man-chu kwo, established following the intervention of Japanese arms in China in 1931, and in June 1938 concluded a large commercial treaty with it and with Japan.
The European situation, dominated by the latent or open conflicts between Great Britain and France on the one hand and Italy and Germany on the other, is aggravated by the international developments of the Spanish civil war and by the nefarious new struggle of political ideologies initiated by the democratic currents, at the end of 1937 it does not show any signs of clearing up. The British and French governments continue to refuse the recognition of the Italian Empire: a preliminary condition set by Italy for any cooperation policy. On the contrary, they try to stifle and diverge the increasingly numerous movements that are manifesting themselves in many of the countries already sanctioned for this recognition and for the restoration of normal diplomatic and political relations with Italy.
Faced with this confusion, created by different attitudes and different languages, Italy takes the decision to definitively abandon the League of Nations from which it had already effectively been absent from the day of the unfair verdict on the sanctions. The decision was announced by Mussolini on the evening of 11 December in a fourth gathering of the people in Piazza Venezia. And it is greeted with irrepressible demonstrations of consent from the great crowd of citizens. Immediately afterwards, the German government confirmed, with an explicit declaration, its intention never to resume the already broken relations with Geneva. From this moment begins the fatal decline of the League of Nations, which arose against Italy for the defense of the last slave state in the world.
The year 1937 thus ends with an affirmation of clarity and power of Italian foreign policy that resolutely separates itself from the utopian and insidious addresses of the universalist agreements for collective assurances of peace, and returns to the more realistic system, always affirmed by Mussolini, bilateral agreements and direct clarification of relations between individual states.
No less expressive, for Italian foreign policy, is the beginning of 1938. New problems of vast European significance are opening up. New proofs are requested and given by the firmness of the Italian addresses. While Europe continues to be divided and in conflict due to the course of the Spanish civil war and the fatal deviations of the democratic currents, influenced by communist infiltrations, and dragged into a more open struggle of political ideologies, the movement precipitates towards its conclusion. the political unification between Germany and Austria.
With the prompt Italian adhesion to the great international event (see austria: History, App.) The tone of political friendship between Italy and Germany is raised. When in May the Führer chancellor, Adolfo Hitler, accompanied by the highest personalities of the government and the Reich party, came to Italy to return Mussolini’s visit to Germany, he found a prompt and cordial welcome throughout Italy. The Italo-Germanic pact is once again rededicated by the solidarity of the masses who have understood its profound political value and great historical importance. On the evening of May 8, responding to a toast from Mussolini, Adolfo Hitler again declares in a solemn speech: “It is my unshakable will and it is also my political testament to the German people who consider the border of the Alps erected between us to be forever intangible. from nature “.
This political union of one hundred and twenty million men, created by the Italo-Germanic pact, was thus confirmed in 1938 as the most stable and clear international construction established in Europe for the associated defense of the rights of the nations participating in it and for the balance of the great dominant European forces.
